Donald Trump likes attacking soft targets, and the United Nations is about as soft as they come. Over the past two months, U.N. officials have been bracing for an entirely inevitable clash with the next U.S. administration. Their only question has been exactly what would set off the showdown. Would it be climate change? Torture?
President Obama recently met with incoming United Nations chief Antonio Guterres. Guterres will step into the Secretary General role in January. That’s also when we’ll see a new administration in Washington. What could U.N.-U.S. relations look like under President Trump? CIC director Sarah Cliffe is briefly featured in this The Marketplace report, originally published on December 2, 2016.
Nikki Haley enfrenta un difícil estreno diplomático en la ONU representando a Trump De ser ratificada su nominación por el Senado, la gobernadora de Carolina del Sur llegará a la ONU con cero experiencia internacional y con un presidente que presagia profundos cambios en la relación de EEUU con el mundo.
America, Rising Powers, and the Tension between Rivalry and Restraint
"What’s become clear to me is that while the rising powers--principally China, India, Brazil, but also Turkey, Indonesia, Korea and others--want to increase their influence and protect their interests, the United States still occupies a central place in their thinking and their strategies. And only the U.S. can help all these players forge an effective international order." —Bruce Jones
In late 2011, the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, the Center for American Progress, and the Stanley Foundation formed a study group of US and Chinese experts, including CIC Director Bruce Jones, to evaluate the role of the G-20 in the US-China bilateral relationship as well as how the relationship influences the G-20. After meeting for two conferences over the course of 2012, the group reached consensus on a set of recommendations to improve the efficacy of this important body.
In April 2009 President Barack Obama announced: “I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that Brits believe in British exceptionalism, and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism. . . .